As
the world hangs on every pronouncement of the president-elect,
speculation abounds as to whether Donald Trump is just playing to an
audience or is trying to intimidate to make a deal. He recently
challenged the government of Panama over its sovereign control of the
Panama Canal, potentially reopening one of the most divisive foreign
policy issues of the 20th century.
Presidents since Eisenhower
worried about the security of this vital waterway. The canal became a
target as revolutionary forces in Central America increasingly
threatened vital American interests.
President
Jimmy Carter knew that the politics of negotiating away the direct
ownership of the canal would be difficult, but he wasn’t one to back
away.
In 1977, President Carter and Panamanian President Omar
Torrijos signed two treaties, one which guaranteed neutral access to the
canal by all nations, and the other transferring full control of the
canal to Panama as of Dec. 31, 1999.
These treaties were
ratified by the Senate in a 68 to 32 vote. The House of Representatives
then narrowly passed implementing legislation in 1979.
I can
attest to the excruciating pressure members were facing as I lobbied the
issue on behalf of Carter’s State Department. The passion generated by
those who opposed giving up a symbol of American ingenuity made this
vote a very heavy lift for members of Congress. Members from both
parties became profiles in courage for voting to support the treaties,
casting the most difficult vote of their political life.
One vulnerable senator, Dennis DeConcini (D) of Arizona, sought to defend himself by proposing a reservation that would give the United States the explicit right to use military force to defend the canal. The Panamanian government threatened to reject the treaties if this reservation were to pass.
Language was then added to mollify the Panamanians to the effect that nothing in the treaty should be “interpreted as a right of intervention in the internal affairs of the Republic of Panama.”
Now
a future president of the United States is threatening to use military
force, not because the canal’s neutrality is threatened, but because he
objects to the shipping fees Panama is charging. Words matter, and these
words have the potential to relight a long-extinguished fire.
The
Panama Canal is an international waterway utilized by shipping from all
nations. If shipping companies do not wish to pay the established fee,
they have the choice of taking a much longer and more costly route
around Cape Horn.
The transit prices are set by this traditional
supply and demand calculation, and, as in other capital transactions,
price gouging is indeed possible. These disputes can best be resolved by
appealing to the Panama Canal Authority.
Though
Donald Trump seems to pay little attention to the Constitution, it may
be useful for him to brush up on some of its more important provisions
if he wants to avoid a third impeachment. A treaty, for example, is the
supreme law of the land and equivalent to federal law.
The
Panama Canal treaties were approved by a bipartisan coalition of
senators who accepted a counterintuitive reality: Giving up the canal
was the best way to retain its use.
In the end, despite the
highly charged opposition to giving up “a piece of America,” Congress
yielded to the pragmatic reality that the canal could be shut down if
extreme nationalist forces decided to sabotage its operations. The canal
and its many locks would be easy prey to terrorists or to an unfriendly
government.
President Carter understood these principles when he negotiated the Camp David peace between Israel and Egypt and the Panama Canal Treaties. He knew well that a powerful America could only enhance its international standing by acting magnanimously and pursuing its interests by also acknowledging the interests of others.
J. Brian Atwood is a senior fellow at Brown University’s Watson Institute. He was an assistant secretary of State for congressional relations in the Carter administration and worked on the Panama Canal treaties and the implementing legislation. He later served as administrator of USAID in the Clinton administration.